Monday 10 March 2014

The Apostles' Quarrel

Some of Paul’s early letters to the Galatians and Corinthians tell us of a bitter dissension between Paul and the Palestinian apostles, especially James and Peter. How severe was this conflict and what were its consequences?
Only if we accept the narrative of Acts as historically accurate, does there appear to have been some compromise between the Palestinian Christian community on the one hand, and Paul (Acts 15:1-31; 21:17-26). Paul appeared to confirm this compromise in Galatians 2:1-10.
The conflict was long in developing. Scholars often quote a statement by the Roman historian Suetonius that such a serious controversy about one “Chrestus” among Jewish citizens that Emperor Claudius banished them from Rome in 49 CE. According to Acts Paul arrived in Rome about 58 CE and continued teaching under house arrest, presumably until his death.
As he reported in Galatians Paul had met James, Peter (Cephas) and John in Jerusalem and agreed with them that he would minister to the Gentiles while they continued to minister to Jews. (Gal. 1:18-19; 2:8-10) Subsequently he confronted Peter and others in Antioch about their withdrawing from eating with Gentiles when delegates came from James in Jerusalem. (Gal. 2:11-14).
Paul did admit in 1 Corinthians 9:20-21 that while with Jews he lived as a Jew and with Gentiles as a Gentile. Yet in Galatians 5:2-6 he charged that anyone accepting circumcision as a condition of belonging to Christ was actually cutting him or herself off from Christ. Any inconsistency of his views disappeared in writing 2 Corinthians 10 to 13 where his language implied that he would brook no interference from other apostles with his work among Gentiles. (2 Cor. 11:1-5, 12-15; Phil. 3:1-7)
Today leading Roman Catholic scholars no longer believe that either Peter or Paul were the founders of the Christian community in Rome. In the 2nd century the tradition arose that both apostles died during Nero’s persecution in the mid-60s CE. In later centuries, the Church ignored this controversy between them. Tradition associated Peter and Paul so closely that their names were remembered together in ancient and modern church art and architecture all over the world.
James D. Tabor is certain that in the end Paul won the struggle for dominance among the Greek-speaking congregations of the Roman Empire. Toward the end of the 1st century it was either the community in Antioch or Ephesus that began to circulate Paul’s authentic and attributed letters. Tabor further claims that Paul’s teaching also greatly influenced the writing of the gospels, especially the three earliest, Mark (ca. 70 CE), Matthew (ca. 80 CE) and Luke (ca. 90 CE).
Thus, by the end of the 1st century Paul’s views were dominant in Christian communities all over the Roman Empire. The first true Christian historian, Eusebius (ca. 260-340 CE), stated that at the time of the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 CE, Christians there fled to Pella, east of the Jordan River. At the end of the 2nd century, a Christian sect there, the Ebionites, were condemned as heretics by Irenaeus (ca. 120-200 CE). Paul’s triumph coloured Christian history thereafter.

The Torah of Christ

A continuing debate among scholars rings changes on Paul’s real view of the Torah. James Tabor is no different, but seems to go further than most. He declares unequivocally that Jesus is the “second” founder of Christianity in that he so radically severed his relationship with the Torah of Judaism that he can be truly said to have founded a new religion.
Paul broke with James, Peter and the other apostles in Jerusalem to the extent that while they continued as practicing Jews, as a Jew himself Paul made possible the spread of the gospel of the resurrection throughout the Gentile world by refusing to force his Gentile converts to follow the Torah. Within fifty years of Paul’s death, the Christian Church was almost exclusively Gentile.
As a descendant of Abraham, a Jew is a Jew by birth. Or one can become a Jew by conversion but must follow the Torah, especially its outward symbols like male circumcision and prescribed dietary laws. From the Jewish perspective, Jews always remained Jews and Gentiles remained non-Jews unless they had adopted these requirements. Paul had a new vision of what anyone’s religious affiliation could be. To quote James Tabor:
In Paul’s new vision of things, a non-Jew, in order to be ‘saved’ from God’s judgment, must turn from idols to the one God and also bow the knee in worship to Jesus as Lord – something Jews would be forbidden to do…. This single move, in which a human being is considered equal to God and thus worthy of worship, separates Paul’s version of Christianity from Judaism and effectively creates a new ‘religion’ separate from most mainstream Judaism.   (Tabor, James D. (Paul and Jesus: How the Apostle Transformed Christianity. New York: Simon and Schuster, 2012.)
To every Jew’s astonishment, this Jewish follower of Jesus denounced those who shared his own Jewish tradition as “Jews according to the flesh.” By their refusal of Jesus as Lord, he claimed, they had separated themselves from God’s purpose for Israel and had been replaced as the true Israel. Paul believed God had never intended that the Torah of Israel should be permanent. The death and resurrection of Jesus had led both Jews and Gentiles to Christ. The ancient Torah had been superseded. (See 1 Corinthians 8:4-6; Philippians 3:3; Galatians 3:23-25, 6:15; Romans 10:4).
Paul did not regard being free of the Torah of Israel as freedom to live an immoral life. Quite the contrary, he advocated strict sexual behaviour and how to deal with food offered to idols, especially where blood was involved. He displaced the Torah of Israel with the “Torah of Christ.” But he did so for a special reason: the expected transformation at the imminent return of Christ.
Try as he might Paul could never solve the very human problem of living in two worlds, the physical and the spiritual. To quote Tabor again: According to Paul there is no solution, no victory to be won over the flesh until the body is shed at the resurrection and one becomes wholly transform. Not that he was indifferent to moral living. It all has to do whether one is in Christ or outside. The Law of Christ, which operates by the Spirit of Christ dwelling within a person, is a strategy of resistance activated by ‘yielding’ to the Spirit and not to the flesh.
That is the way to live until the kingdom of God comes. But the kingdom for Paul was not on earth but in heaven, where God’s holy will is fully done. (Philippians 3:20)

Friday 21 February 2014

Already But Not Yet

Without doubt Paul and his disciples were faced with a perplexing quandary. He believed passionately that they were living in the last days of human history. The great transformation heralded by the death and resurrection of Christ was about to occur. Yet the relentless passage of time indicated that the expected moment had not yet come and the promised end of their suffering followed by their eternal glorification had not arrived.

More – or perhaps worse – for Paul and his followers the end time (eskaton) had already begun, but its conclusion had not yet arrived. They were living in two worlds. As Tabor puts it: Paul’s gospel said that the chosen ones were already in the kingdom of God, by being in Christ even while waiting for its arrival…. Since (God’s) reign was a heavenly one, the kingdom of God had already arrived and would shortly be manifested to the surprise of the whole world. (Paul and Jesus: How the Apostle Transformed Christianity. Simon & Schuster, 2012)

This meant that while they were even now living in God’s realm, they would continue to suffer as Christ himself had suffered until “Christ had put all things under his control.” The final result would be Christ’s heavenly exaltation when “every knee will bow and every tongue confess that Jesus Christ is Lord.” (Philippians 2:10-11)

In the interim until that joyous day arrives, Christians would face opposition and persecution. So “the challenge, and the insurmountable problem, was to work out the conflict between the intersection of the old world and the new in the present.” (Tabor, 160) This called for a totally different behaviour than that of the general populace among whom they lived.

The early 20th century theologian Albert Schweitzer said what they and we are living an “interim ethic.” He meant that Christian ethical behaviour makes sense only if God does bring about justice in the real world. The social justice movement espoused by many of the mainline churches in the 20th century hoped and worked for this ethic to be applied by all humanity. So did many secular and political institutions.
Paul’s daring exclamation in Galatians 3:27-28 would have made news in any society, not least in the Graeco-Roman society of his time. It set a standard that many countries still struggle to achieve today. Most fail, including our own.

Paul himself neither fully achieved the new standard in his correspondence nor in his own behaviour. He used the Hebrew scriptures to justify some interpersonal activities we regard as unacceptable today: an inferior place for women in the church and society, and the abomination of human slavery.
On the other hand, Paul believed that “the present form of this world is passing away.” (1 Cor. 7:29-31) He was not challenging the present systems such as slavery because he earnestly expected Christ’s return to bring all such evil relationships to an end.

What Paul advocated has raised numerous objections from different sectors of the Christian community as well as societies still coping with their ancient cultural heritage. Evangelism among some cultures has been very difficult if not legally banned by political authorities.


Saturday 15 February 2014

Mystical Union With Christ

If Paul had a favourite term, it was “in Christ.” The term appears more than fifty times in his authentic letters and twenty-seven times in other letters attributed to him. Elsewhere in the NT it occurs no more than four times and never in the four gospels or words attributed to Jesus. But what did the apostle mean when he used the term? James Tabor says:
Paul’s Christianity can be understood only against the worlds of mysticism, magic, miracles, prophecy, and supernatural manifestations of the spiritual worlds – both angelic and demonic – so alien to our modern scientific worldview. At the very core of these religious experiences of Paul and his followers were his two great innovations, baptism and the Lord’s Supper, which he introduced in a wholly new form to his wing of the Jesus movement. (Paul and Jesus: How the Apostle Transformed Christianity. Simon & Schuster, 2012)
The importance of this new expression of spirituality is best expressed in 2 Corinthians 5:16-17. Paul made no mention of the life of Jesus and little of what he taught. Instead he wrote of what Jesus had become and what we too are in process of becoming: the first-born and the later-born members of a new spiritual family.  This is also what he meant in calling Jesus the Second Adam.
As the context of this passage in 2 Corinthians 5:16-21 expresses, this was the special insight Paul received by revelation from God. (Cf. 1 Corinthians 2:2; Philippians 2:5-11.) Tabor puts it clearly in this way: What Jesus represents to Paul is one thing and one thing only – the cosmic, pre-existent Christ being ‘born of woman’, as a flesh-and-blood mortal human being transformed to a life-giving Spirit.
Tabor also claims that Paul changed the meaning of baptism from that which had been practiced by John the Baptist and Jesus’ early Palestinian disciples. That rite had been a “a baptism of repentance for the remission of sins.” For Paul, baptism was not a symbolic cleansing or sign of repentance for past sin, but the initiation into an entirely new and spiritual life. (1 Corinthians 12:13; Galatians 3:26-27; Romans 6:3-4.)
The gift of the Spirit in baptism was equally important to Paul. The Spirit enabled living in Christ and was a guarantee, like a first installment, of continued growth and transformation in spiritual living as children of God. (2 Corinthians 1:21-22; 2 Corinthians 5:5.)
To sustain this growth in spiritual living, Paul also introduced to his churches the celebration of the Lord’s Supper. He insisted that this too was part of his revelation from Christ himself. (1 Corinthians 11:23-25 Galatians 1:11-12.) He strongly condemned those who participated but did not recognize its significance. Mark, then Matthew and Luke, also derived their renditions of the same community fellowship meal from Paul.
Writing to the Corinthians (1 Cor. 10:16) ca. 54 CE, Paul went so far as to assert that the two sacraments were not mere symbols or a memorial of Jesus’ death but actual participation in his death. This has led to centuries of dispute between the Catholic and the Protestant traditions. On the other hand, regarding the Lord’s Supper as a memorial implied not merely remembering a past event but participating in something very much present as well, and indeed with awesome future spiritual benefits – sustenance for living “in Christ” forever.

Friday 7 February 2014

A Cosmic Family and Kingdom

Through the ages many scholars have deemed that Paul’s primary concern was justification by faith, i.e. those with faith in Jesus have their sin forgiven and are set right with God. This is what salvation through faith in Christ still means to many (most ?) people.
In contrast James D. Tabor (Paul and Jesus: How the Apostle Transformed Christianity. Simon & Schuster, 2012) asserts that God’s purpose revealed in Christ was something far greater – he called it “a mystery.” He mentioned it in passing only six times in his authentic letters. The only place where he gave an explanation of this “mystery” is found in Romans 8. Tabor puts it in these words:
The mystery Paul reveals is God’s secret plan to bring to birth a new heavenly family of his own offspring. God is reproducing himself. These children of God will represent a new genus of Spirit-beings in the cosmos, exalted in glory, power, and position far above even the highest angels.
In Romans 8:29-30 where Paul set out the complete process of what this “secret plan” is, he summarily described it by the single word glorification: (We are) …those who are known, chosen, called, and justified, finally to be glorified.  All this depends on “Jesus’ resurrection … his transformation to a life-giving Spirit-being, with a glorious spiritual body.” (Cf. 1 Corinthians 2:7; Philippians 3:20-21; 1 Corinthians 15:51-53.)
According to Paul this is what awaits us beyond death. But he did not stop there. The process of our glorification is already taking place. In 2 Corinthians 3:18 (cf. 4:16) he made it clear that day by day we are being spiritually transformed into those future spiritual beings.
Writing as long as a generation later, the author of Colossians 1:15-17 showed how much he depended on Paul’s thinking, possibly even to making use of some earlier material by Paul himself.
But what is glorification? The British edition of The Good News Bible may have given us the best definition in Romans 8:30. God … shared his glory with them. That is to say, we shall be like God because God has shared with us God’s own spiritual life as he already did with Jesus.
If one searches the term The Glory of God in art one gets a remarkable number of nature scenes – sunset, sunrises, flowers, forests, sunlight shining through clouds and so on and on. The Jews had a word for it – kabod which was manifested in theophanies, often associated with earthquakes, fire and storms (Ps. 18:7-15; Job 38). Brilliant gold is the colour most often used to depict divine glory. Revelation 21:22-27 describes a vision of the New Jerusalem as a city of light without sun or moon because the light comes from the glory of God. Rabbinic commentary on the Hebrew Scriptures referred to the glory of God resident in the temple as shekinah from the word meaning “to dwell.”  
Paul was not very specific about the exact nature of coming kingdom of God. Yet he believed in universal salvation following a final judgment. Those dead or alive who already believed at Christ’s return would enter the kingdom first followed later by all others. (Rom. 2:9-10; 1 Cor. 4:5; 1 Cor. 15:20-28.)

Saturday 1 February 2014

Paul's Literary Victory

We read the New Testament beginning with the four Gospels. On the other hand, if we were to read it chronologically, we would start with the letters of Paul. By no means can all of those attributed to him and bearing his name be regarded as from his hand or dictated by him to scribes.
Scholars generally, with some notable dissensions, regard only seven of the letters authentically from Paul: 1 Thessalonians, Galatians, 1 & 2 Corinthians, Romans, Philippians and Philemon. The latest scholarly view is that they all date from about 50 to the early 60s CE.
A second set of three letters bearing his name – Colossians, Ephesians and 2 Thessalonians – are believed to have been composed between 80 and 100 CE by unknown disciples of Paul. British scholar N.T. Wright holds that these three were also probably from Paul but in a different style than the previous seven.
The three letters known as “pastorals” – 1 & 2 Timothy and Titus are generally regarded a pseudonymous and from the early decades of the 2nd century CE when the church was much more organized than in Paul’s time.
In his book, Paul and Jesus: How the Apostle Transformed Christianity, (Simon & Schuster, 2012) James D. Tabor cites the narratives of the resurrection of Jesus in Mark and Matthew in particular as the basis for his conviction that Paul influenced the report in those gospels of the Christian community’s earliest tradition.
By examining reports of all of Jesus’ post-resurrection appearances, Tabor discovered that only Mark and Matthew provide truly credible details, few as they are. He concluded that these appearances occurred only in Galilee, not in Jerusalem, as the Luke and John state. They were of “a visionary nature” especially in Matthew. This is confirmed, Tabor believes, by a late 2nd century text in the pseudonymous Gospel of Peter and the appendix to John’s Gospel (ch. 21). He finds the reports in the other gospels of post-resurrection sightings of Jesus in Jerusalem as a resuscitated human corpse from a later tradition and much less credible.
Tabor also points out that if Paul’s report of his own call to be an apostle is valid, he was the first apostle, not the last. He bases this claim on Galatians 1:15-17 where Paul claims to have been “set apart before I was born.” Later in this same passage Paul also stated that he had spent three years in Arabia. Tabor speculates that this was a time of retreat, possibly in the region where Mount Sinai was traditionally located. As Tabor writes: “Like the Twelve he had his own ‘three years’ with Jesus.”
Tabor further reminds us that in 2 Corinthians 12:2-4, Paul speaks of a mystical experience where he “presumably saw both the glory of God as well as Jesus in his glorified state.” Paul also spoke of his physical limitation, “a thorn in the flesh,” that kept him humble despite this remarkable experience. Of this whole episode Tabor comments: “Paul had tasted in a proleptic way the glorification that would be revealed at the second coming of Jesus in the clouds of heaven.”
Thus Paul’s literary victory and the fundamental theme of the whole New Testament is based on the perceptions of the resurrection and the anticipation of Christ’s return at some unstated but imminent time in the near future.

Friday 24 January 2014

Paul's View of Resurrection

When Paul wrote of resurrection (1 Corinthians 15) he was unequivocal that resurrection is real, spiritual and God’s gift to us in Jesus Christ. Yet, as James D. Tabor asserts in beginning his chapter on the resurrection as interpreted by Paul: New Testament scholars, historians and even novelists seem incapable of offering a rational explanation as to what most likely happened that first Easter weekend. This seems to be the mystery of the ages when it comes to understanding Christian origins.   (Tabor, James D. Paul and Jesus: How the Apostle Transformed Christiainity. Simon & Schuster, 2012.)
Tabor found his solution in Paul’s “rethinking [the] resurrection of the dead.” He believes that if we begin with Paul rather than the gospels everything will be “clear, rational and historical.” But is he successful?
To begin with, Tabor states that there is much confusion about the distinction between the peculiarly Jewish way of thinking about resurrection and the Greek way of thinking about immortality. Both affirm eternal life, but the Greek view is based on a dualism of body and soul as two distinct realities.
Furthermore, the Greek attitude was almost wholly negative toward the body, while emphasizing the inestimable value of the pure soul. At the end of life death releases the soul to an afterlife of judgment, rebirth to another human life of reincarnation, and after a long time the soul could ascend to eternal life. Since the 2nd century CE Christian theologians, learned in Greek philosophy, have been influenced by or generally adopted this view, as Tabor puts it: after death “the body perishes and the immortal soul passes on to the unseen realm of the spirit.”
The Hebrew view did not despise the human body as the Greeks did. They based their attitude to the body on God’s creation of humanity and all living things as stated in Genesis 2:7ff. And God was pleased with what God had made. The King James Version and other more recent versions of the English Bible have translated the Hebrew word “nefesh” as “a living soul,” whereas the correct translation is “a living being.” Hence the confusion for us.
The Hebrews viewed life after death described in scripture as a shadowy disembodied darkness without substance. They called it Sheol often referred to as “the pit” from which no one returns. (Psalms 30:3; 115:17; 6:5; 88:3-12; Job 3:11-19; 14:10-12.)
On the other hand, the Bible also contains instances of resuscitation of the physical body. There are three in the OT, one by Elijah and two by Elijah. (1 Kings 17:17-22; 2 Kings 4:32-37; 2 Kings 13:21.) In the NT three were said to have been performed by Jesus. (Mark 5:41-43; Luke 7:11-17; John 11:38-44.) In each instance, presumably, all the people so resuscitated died and were buried at some later date.
The main NT tradition of life after death is that of Paul’s view of re-embodiment as a spiritual being as set forth in 1 Corinthians 15. As Tabor describes it:
“… a body is a mode of being, whether a physical creation or a new spiritual creation that God would fashion in the future. Paul uses the resurrection of Christ as his illustrative example, viewing Jesus as the prototype of what will in the future for the dead take place in the future for all the dead who will be raised at Jesus’ com

Sunday 19 January 2014

Paul's Conversion

These are the notes for the next in the series of studies on the Apostle Paul a group of seniors in Glen Abbey United Church, Oakville, Ontario, Canada is working through with considerable diligence. These notes are also posted on the website of the congregation: glenabbeyunitedchurch.com . They may be used with attribution by anyone who so desires.

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Not a great deal is known about Paul’s conversion other than that as a zealous Jew he was on his way to Damascus with a licence to persecute all followers of Jesus he could find there. It would appear that his transformation from a pharisaical zealot to a convinced believer and dedicated apostle occurred in some kind of religious experience of a mystical nature. In 2 Cor. 12:1-10 he wrote of a “thorn in his flesh” given to him to prevent excessive elation about what had happened. Although many attempts have been made to diagnose what this disability may have been, no objective symptoms can be discerned. Were the two related?
Scottish scholar and preacher, James S. Stewart (1896-1990) described Paul’s experience as reactive mysticism in contrast to the other common type of proactive or meditative mysticism. In other words, Paul reacted to a divine initiative. As a sincere and able Pharisee, he believed he had been doing God’s will in defending the Law of Moses against the Jesus movement. He did so with great passion.  But God had acted in some way, perhaps by means of Paul’s physical disability, to completely reverse his deep commitment as an orthodox Pharisee.
In the Old Testament at least two other similar mystical experiences stand out: the call of Moses when he turned from herding sheep at the sight of a burning bush (Exodus 3:1-12); and Isaiah’s call while attending the morning sacrifice in the temple (Isaiah 6:1-13). Do both of those correspond to the Paul’s conversion experience? On the Damascus Road did Paul have some sudden some physical incident which he interpreted mystically as divine revelation?
Moses and Paul both suffered from great inner conflicts which their respective calls resolved. Isaiah, worried about his nation’s future, was going about his daily routine of attending worship. Through the ages other people have reported similar spiritual experiences in either circumstance. Divine revelation described as reactive mysticism appears to occur in such different ways regardless of human desire or will.
In the other main type of mystical experience, known as proactive mysticism, someone intentionally engages in activities such as prayer, meditation, dedicated personal devotion, or other rites for the specific purpose of discerning the presence and purposes of God. It is possible that prior to his Damascus Road experience, Paul used this “God-seeking” mysticism in dealing with whatever his “thorn in the flesh” may have been.
Through the ages radical conversions have occurred in many forms and still occur today. The famous 18th century evangelists, John and Charles Wesley, both devoted Anglicans, had been instructed from childhood by a deeply religious mother. As students at Oxford University they formed a small group nicknamed disparagingly as “the Holy Club” which actively engaged in prayer, bible study and methodically sought to live a holy life. Later, as an ordained minister John Wesley failed as a missionary in Savannah, Georgia, but came into close contact with a group of Moravians whom he found to have a much deeper conviction than he did.
While in Georgia, Wesley became romantically involved with a young woman but broke off the relationship on the advice of a Moravian preacher. Wesley faced a suit for breach of promise, but the trial ended without resolution. Returning to England, he experienced a life-changing experience while listening to a reading from Martin Luther’s Preface to the Letter to the Roman. He “felt his heart strangely warmed,” and found new trust in Christ that gave him assurance that Christ had saved him from sin and death. His long preaching ministry thereafter changed the course of English society by bringing innumerable others to a deep experience of God.

Saturday 18 January 2014

Paul The Pharisee

These are the notes for the next in the series of studies on the Apostle Paul a group of seniors in Glen Abbey United Church, Oakville, Ontario, Canada   is working through with considerable diligence. These notes are also posted on the website of the congregation: glenabbeyunitedchurch.com . They may be used with attribution by anyone who so desires.
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In Christianity and Rabbinic Judaism (Biblical Archaeology Society, 2013) James D.G. Dunn, of Durham University, England, reviewed the timeline of Paul’s life and ministry – “subject to some dispute,” as he said. Probably no subject is still more uncertain than this.
·         Born in Tarsus, Cilicia                   c. 1 BCE – 2 CE
·         Education in Jerusalem                     c. 12 – 26 CE
·         Persecution of Hellenists                           31-32 CE
·         Conversion                                                    32 CE
·         Flight from Damascus to Jerusalem         34/35 CE
·         Missionary of the church of Antioch        34 – 35 CE
·                                                                  and 47/48 CE
·         Jerusalem Council, incident at Antioch     47-48 CE
·         Mission in Corinth [wrote 1 & 2 (?) Thessalonians,              
·                                                         Galatians]
·         Third visit to Jerusalem and Antioch        51/52 CE
·         Mission in Ephesus                           52/53 – 55 CE
·                   [wrote 1 & 2 Corinthians]
·         Corinth [wrote Romans]                            56/57 CE
·         Final trip to Jerusalem and arrest                  57 CE
·         Detention in Jerusalem and Caesarea       57-59 CE
·         Attempt to sail to Rome                                  59 CE
·         Arrival in Rome                                              60 CE
·         House arrest in Rome                                60-62 CE
·                [wrote Philemon, Philippians, Colossians (?)]
·         Execution                                                   62 CE (?)
Another major scholarly debate surrounds the question of how much change Paul brought to the early church during his thirty year ministry. Unlike his master, Gamaliel I, the leading Pharisee rabbi of his era, Paul at first adamantly rejected the idea that Jesus was the Messiah. Yet the earliest believers were able to make this claim “without serious opposition,” Dunn asserts, “for almost all of the 35 years following Jesus’ crucifixion.”
Dunn further says that the Hellenists (Greek-speaking Jews in Jerusalem) supported Stephen who suffered martyrdom for his irreverence toward the temple and preaching that Jesus was the true Messiah. (Acts 6:8-8:1) As a Diaspora Jew with Pharisaic passion, Paul would have been horrified, thus explaining his anger and violence toward the Hellenists.
His zealous persecution of these messianic followers of Jesus came from his desire “to defend and preserve Israel’s holiness and set-apartness.” It was not surprising, therefore, that his conversion was a stunning event for the earliest Christians as for Paul himself.
James D. Tabor goes further in discussing Paul’s effect on the Jesus’ movement. (Paul and Jesus: How The Apostle Transformed Christianity. New York: Simon & Shuster, 2012.) Tabor argues that Paul was the true founder of Christianity as we know it today. James, Peter and the other apostles “held to a Jewish version of the Christian faith that faded away and was forgotten due to the total triumph of Paul`s version of Christianity.”
In his Paul and Palestinian Judaism. (SCM Press, 1977) E.P. Sanders pointed out that the religious system of the Jews depended on the covenant law set forth in the Torah while Paul proposed that it depended on faith that Jesus is the Messiah/Christ who gives new life to all believers. A new book Paul and the Faithfulness of God by N.T. Wright, (Fortress Press, 2013) may offer some promising new data on the tradition.

Thursday 9 January 2014

Speculation Leads To Hypothesis

Scientists may howl in protest at the title of this post, but the origin of these thoughts goes back many decades. I have long been wondering - and yes, speculating - about the similarity and distinction between events described in our Christian scriptures and natural phenomena that scientists investigate using the traditional scientific methods of cause and effect.

One such series of questions arose out of the description of the ten plagues of the Exodus when Moses demanded and eventually won the freedom of the children of Israel from slavery in Egypt. (Exodus 7-12). This speculation focused on the question: Were there natural events that might be identified as the cause of the several plagues sanctified by inclusion in the Torah, the most important part of the ancient scriptures of the Jewish people?

A missed opportunity to watch a CD of the lecture on Santorini by Professor Michael E.Wysession in the series on  The World's Greatest Geological Wonders made me turn to the Internet in search of scientific information on the violent explosion of that volcano on the island of Thera (Santorini) in the Aegean Sea about 1600 BCE. What I learned only increased by desire to search further. There can be little doubt that the Santorini eruption caused great havoc all through the eastern Mediterranean region and beyond. Nor am I the first to wonder if there was any evidence in the Bible of this great disaster that is said to have ended the Minoan civilization on the island of Crete though it was some seventy miles from Thera when the eruption occurred. (http://www.decadevolcano.net/santorini/minoaneruption.htm)

This led to an initial conclusion that there were some details of the plagues of Exodus which strangely reflected what may well have been tales told for centuries by generations of Jewish ancestors which remained still fresh in living memory when the Torah took shape in written form. Nor am I the first by any means to have speculated in this way. As recently as 2006 Israeli-Canadian filmmaker Simcha Jacobovici and producer/director James Cameron created a widely broadcast documentary on the same subject.  
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Exodus_Decoded)

Of course, there has been much religious and archeological criticism of Jacobovici's work. Not the least is the argument that his datng of the destruction of the Minoan civilization was 150 years later than archeological and geological research has shown it to have actually happened (ca. 1645 BCE). But his assumption that the children of Israel of whom the Exodus story told were really the Hyksos who were thought too have been expelled from Egypt about the same time seems unwarranted

As expected there was some very erudite criticism of this documentary. Possibly the most severe was a comment by a noted scholar, Dr. Ronald Hendel, Professor of the Hebrew Bible and Jewish Studies at the University of California, Berkeley. He compared The Exodus Decoded to an Indiana Jones movie or an actor-salesman in an expensive infomercial advertising a product with exaggerated claims selling "a highly dubious bundle of theories about the historical and scientific veracity of the Biblical Exodus."

This debunking of Jacobovici documentary does not  prove one way or another that elements of the Exodus story have no relationship to the Santorini /Minoan eruption. Though many biblical scholars have tried, no one has yet explained what the cause of the Exodus plagues may have been. Nor have scientifically motivated archeologists yet discovered the actual route of the Israelites out of Egypt inthe 13th century BCE.

Friday 3 January 2014

Between Jesus and Paul

This is the introductory note prepared for a study group of seniors at Glen Abbey United Church, Oakville, Ontario. This study concentrates on the Letter of James in the New Testament.

Paul’s ministry between his conversion and the writing of his first Letter to the Thessalonians lasted about fifteen years (ca. 35-50 CE). Paul’s own version of what he did was briefly summarized in Galatians 1:15-24, but most of what we think we know comes from the Book Acts.  That record was biased toward Paul. Was there any other development in the Jesus movement before Paul?
In the first chapter of his recent publication, Paul and Jesus: How The Apostle Transformed Christianity, (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2012) James D. Tabor clarified what he believes actually happened: James, the brother of Jesus, was the dominant leader in Jerusalem during the interval between Jesus and Paul.
“This lost Christianity,” as Tabor calls it, “held sway during Paul’s lifetime, and only with the death of James in 62 CE followed by the brutal destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in 70 CE, did it begin to lose its influence as the centre of the Jesus movement.”
Where do we look for this competing form of the Jesus movement? The obvious place is the New Testament itself. Buried late in the sequence of letters is The Letter of James. It is notably different from the thirteen attributed to Paul, only seven of which are now believed to have been written directly by or for him. Only in Galatians 1:18-19 and 2:9 did Paul make reference to James.
In Acts too there are only two references to James, both pointing to his leadership in the movement after the death of Jesus. At the so-called Council of Jerusalem (Acts 15:13-21) James was the spokesman for the assembled elders. Again on Paul’s final visit to Jerusalem (Acts 21:18) James alone was named among “the elders.” Tabor believes that this “suppression of James (in the Pauline documents) is systematic and deliberate.” On the other hand, Tabor also believes that both the positive references to James in Acts are ironic because he believes their views of Jesus as Messiah/Christ were so different.
The Letter of James was addressed to “to the twelve tribes of the Dispersion.” But this is not a letter; it is a group of sermons on three recurring topics presented in literary form: the testing of faith, wisdom and speech, and wealth. Perhaps most surprising is that only in 1:1 and 2:1 is Jesus named as “the Lord Jesus Christ.” God is referred to more frequently (nine times) but the whole work is more of an ethical essay than anything else.
At the same time, the Letter of James reflects a community under threat, though not imminent martyrdom. Some scholars have speculated that it actually contains messages delivered by James ca. 40-50 CE and edited as a letter after his death in 62 CE.
Tabor lists several 2nd and even 3rd century documents that contain very similar messages. All point to a close relationship between Jesus’ teaching and that of James. “The basic elements of the picture they preserve are amazingly consistent: Jesus passes to James his successor rule of the Church.”
Tabor also emphasizes that The Letter of James “speaks positively of the enduring validity of the Jewish Torah” and “an early Palestinian cultural context … directly parallel to the teachings of Jesus from the Q source” (i.e. the common source shared by Matthew and Luke).

Thursday 2 January 2014

Calendar Reform - Again!


Here is an article on a perennially popular subject from my favourte website for geopolitical information.
This article is reprinted with the permission of Stratfor.

The Geopolitics of the Gregorian Calendar

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The Geopolitics of the Gregorian Calendar

Analysis

When England adopted the Gregorian calendar in 1752, some 170 years after it was introduced by Pope Gregory XIII, Benjamin Franklin wrote, "It is pleasant for an old man to be able to go to bed on Sept. 2, and not have to get up until Sept. 14." Indeed, nearly two weeks evaporated into thin air in England when it transitioned from the Julian calendar, which had left the country 11 days behind much of Europe. Such calendrical acrobatics are not unusual. The year 46 B.C., a year before Julius Caesar implemented his namesake system, lasted 445 days and later became known as the "final year of confusion."
In other words, the systems used by mankind to track, organize and manipulate time have often been arbitrary, uneven and disruptive, especially when designed poorly or foisted upon an unwilling society. The history of calendrical reform has been shaped by the egos of emperors, disputes among churches, the insights of astronomers and mathematicians, and immutable geopolitical realities. Attempts at improvements have sparked political turmoil and commercial chaos, and seemingly rational changes have consistently failed to take root.
Today, as we enter the 432nd year guided by the Gregorian calendar, reform advocates argue that the calendar's peculiarities and inaccuracies continue to do widespread damage each year. They say the current system unnecessarily subjects businesses to numerous calendar-generated financial complications, confusion and reporting inconsistencies. In years where Christmas and New Year's Day each fall on a weekday, for example, economic productivity is essentially paralyzed for the better part of two weeks, and one British study found that moving a handful of national holidays to the weekend would boost the United Kingdom's gross domestic product by around 1 percent.
The Gregorian calendar's shortcomings are magnified by the fact that multiple improvements have been formulated, proposed to the public and then largely ignored over the years -- most recently in 2012, with the unveiling of a highly rational streamlined calendar that addresses many of the Gregorian calendar's problems. According to the calendar's creators, it would generate more than $100 billion each year worldwide and "break the grip of the world-wide consensus that embraces a second-rate calendar imposed by a Pope over 400 years ago." This attempt, like many of the others, has received some media attention but has thus far failed to gain any meaningful traction with policymakers or the wider public.
Myriad geopolitical elements and obstacles are embedded in the issue of calendar reform, from the powerful historical role of empires and ecclesiastical authorities to the unifying forces of commerce and the divisive nature of sovereignty and state interests. Indeed, geopolitical themes are present both in the creation of the Gregorian calendar and its permanence, and its ascendance and enduring primacy tells us much about the nature of the international system.

How We Got Here

At its core, the modern calendar is an attempt to track and predict the relationship between the sun and various regions of the earth. Historically, agricultural cycles, local climates, latitudes, tidal ebbs and flows and imperatives such as the need to anticipate seasonal change have shaped calendars. The Egyptian calendar, for example, was established in part to predict the annual rising of the Nile River, which was critical to Egyptian agriculture. This motivation is also why lunar calendars similar to the ones still used by Muslims fell out of favor somewhat -- with 12 lunar cycles adding up to roughly 354 days, such systems quickly drift out of alignment with the seasons.
The Gregorian calendar, introduced by Pope Gregory XIII in 1582, was itself an attempt to address the problems of its predecessor, the Julian calendar, which had been introduced by Julius Caesar to abolish the use of the lunar year and eliminate a three-month gap that opened up between the civil and astronomical equinoxes. It subsequently spread throughout the Roman Empire (and beyond as Christianity spread) and influenced the design of calendars elsewhere. Though it deviates from the time it takes the earth to revolve around the sun by just 11 minutes (a remarkable astronomical feat for the time), the Julian system overly adjusted for the fractional difference in year length, slowly leading to a misalignment in the astronomical and calendar years.
For the Catholic Church, this meant that Easter -- traditionally tied to the spring equinox -- would eventually drift into another season altogether. By dropping 10 days to get seasons back on track and by eliminating the Julian calendar's excess leap years, the Gregorian calendar came closer to reflecting the exact length of an astronomical year (roughly 365.24 days) -- it is only off by 26 seconds annually, culminating in a full day's difference every 3,323 years.
But what was perhaps most significant about Pope Gregory's system was not its changes, but rather its role in the onset of the globalized era. In centuries prior, countries around the world had used a disjointed array of uncoordinated calendars, each adopted for local purposes and based primarily on local geographical factors. The Mayan calendar would not be easily aligned with the Egyptian, Greek, Chinese or Julian calendars, and so forth. In addition to the pope's far-reaching influence, the adoption of the Gregorian system was facilitated by the emergence of a globalized system marked by exploration and the development of long-distance trade networks and interconnectors between regions beginning in the late 1400s. The pope's calendar was essentially the imposition of a true global interactive system and the acknowledgment of a new global reality.
Despite its improvements, the Gregorian calendar preserved several of the Julian calendar's quirks. Months still varied in length, and holidays still fell on different days of the week from year to year. In fact, its benefits over the Julian calendar are disputed among astronomers. Nonetheless, its widespread adoption and use in trade and communication played a fundamental role in the development and growth of the modern international system.

Implementation Problems

From the start, however, the Gregorian calendar faced resistance from several corners, and implementation was slow and uneven. The edict issued by Pope Gregory XIII carried no legal weight beyond the Papal States, so the adoption of his calendar for civil purposes necessitated implementation by individual governments.
Though Catholic countries like Spain and Portugal adopted the new system quickly, many Protestant and Eastern Orthodox countries saw the Gregorian calendar as an attempt to bring them under the Catholic sphere of influence. These states, including Germany and England, refused to adopt the new calendar for a number of years, though most eventually warmed to it for purposes of convenience in international trade. Russia only adopted it in 1918 after the Russian Revolution in 1917 (the Russian Orthodox Church still uses the Julian calendar), and Greece, the last European nation to adopt the Gregorian calendar for civil purposes, did not do so until 1923.
In 1793, following the French Revolution, the new republic replaced the Gregorian calendar with the French Republican calendar, commonly called the French Revolutionary calendar, as part of an attempt to purge the country of any remnants of regime (and by association, Catholic) influence. Due to a number of issues, including the calendar's inconsistent starting date each year, 10-day workweeks and incompatibility with secularly based trade events, the new calendar lasted only around 12 years before France reverted back to the Gregorian version.
Some 170 years later, the Shah of Iran attempted a similar experiment amid a competition with the country's religious leaders for political influence. As part of a larger bid to shift power away from the clergy, the shah in 1976 replaced the country's Islamic calendar with the secular Imperial calendar -- a move viewed by many as anti-Islamic -- spurring opposition to the shah and his policies. After the shah was overthrown in 1979, his successor restored the Islamic calendar to placate protesters and to reach a compromise with Iran's religious leadership.
Several countries -- Afghanistan, Saudi Arabia and Iran among them -- still have not officially adopted the Gregorian calendar. India, Bangladesh, Israel, Myanmar and a few other countries use various calendars alongside the Gregorian system, and still others use a modified version of the Gregorian calendar, including Sri Lanka, Cambodia, Thailand, Japan, North Korea and China. For agricultural reasons, it is still practical in many places to maintain a parallel local calendar based on agricultural seasons rather than relying solely on a universal system based on arbitrary demarcations or seasons and features elsewhere on the planet. In most such countries, however, use of the Gregorian calendar among businesses and others engaged in the international system is widespread.

Better Systems?

Today, the Gregorian calendar's shortcomings have translated into substantial losses in productivity for businesses in the form of extra federal vacation days for employees, business quarters of different sizes and imperfect year-on-year fiscal comparisons. The lack of consistency across each calendar year has also created difficulties in financial forecasting for many companies.
Dozens of attempts have been made over the years to improve the remaining inefficiencies in Pope Gregory's calendar, all boasting different benefits. The Raventos Symmetrical Perpetual and Colligan's Pax calendars feature 13 months of 28 days, while the Symmetry 454 Calendar eliminates the possibility of having the 13th day of any month fall on a Friday. In 1928, Eastman Kodak founder George Eastman introduced a more business-friendly calendar (the International Fixed calendar) within his company that was the same from year to year and allowed numerical days of each month to fall on the same weekday -- for example, the 15th of each month was always a Sunday. This setup had the advantage of facilitating business activities such as scheduling regular meetings and more accurately comparing monthly statistics.
Reform attempts have not been confined to hobbyists, advocates and academics. In 1954, the U.N. took up the question of calendar reform at the request of India, which argued that the Gregorian calendar creates an inadequate system for economic and business-related activities. Among the listed grievances were quarters and half years of unequal size, which make business calculations and forecasts difficult; inconsistency in the occurrence of specific days, which has the potential of interfering with recurring business and governmental meetings; and the variance in weekday composition across any given month or year, which significantly impairs comparisons of trade volume since transactions typically fluctuate throughout the week.
In 2012, Richard Conn Henry, a former NASA astrophysicist, teamed up with his colleague, an applied economist named Steve H. Hanke, to introduce perhaps the most workable attempt at calendrical reform to date. The Hanke-Henry Permanent Calendar (itself an adaptation of a calendar introduced in 1996 by Bob McClenon) is, as the pair wrote for the Cato Institute in 2012, "religiously unobjectionable, business-friendly and identical year-to-year."
The Hanke-Henry calendar would provide a fixed 364-day year with business quarters of equal length, eliminating many of the financial problems posed by its Gregorian counterpart. Calculations of interest, for example, often rely on estimates that use a 30-day month (or a 360-day year) for the sake of convenience, rather than the actual number of days, resulting in inaccuracies that -- if fixed by the Hanke-Henry calendar, its creators say -- would save up to an estimated $130 billion per year worldwide. (Similar problems would still arise for the years given an extra week in the Hanke-Henry system.)
Meanwhile, it would preserve the seven-day week cycle and in turn, the religious tradition of observing the Sabbath -- the obstacle blocking many previous proposals' path to success. As many as eight federal holidays would also consistently fall on weekends; while this probably would not be popular with employees, the calendar's authors argue that it could save the United States as much as $150 billion per year (though it is difficult to anticipate how companies and workers would respond to the elimination of so many holidays, casting doubt upon such figures).

Obstacles to Reform and a Path Forward

Most reform proposals have failed to supplant the Gregorian system not because they failed to improve upon the status quo altogether, but because they either do not preserve the Sabbath, they disrupt the seven-day week (only a five-day week would fit neatly into a 365-day calendar without necessitating leap weeks or years) or they stray from the seasonal cycle. And the possibilities of calendrical reform highlight the difficulty of worldwide cooperation in the modern international system. Global collaboration would indeed be critical, since reform in certain places but not in others would cause more chaos and inefficiency than already exist in the current system. A tightly coordinated, carefully managed transition period would be critical to avoid many of the issues that occurred when the Gregorian calendar was adopted.
Today, in a more deeply interconnected, state-dominated system that lacks the singularly powerful voices of emperors or ecclesiastical authorities, who or what could compel such cooperation? Financial statistics and abstract notions of global efficiency are not nearly as unifying or animating as religious edicts, moral outrage or perceived threats. Theoretically, the benefits of a more rational calendar could lead to the emergence of a robust coalition of multinational interests advocating for a more efficient alternative, and successes such as the steady and continuous adoption of the metric system across the world highlight how efficiency-improving ideas can gain widespread adoption.
But international cooperation and coordination have remained elusive in far more pressing and less potentially disruptive issues. Absent more urgent and mutually beneficial incentives to change the system and a solution that appeals to a vast majority of people, global leaders will likely not be compelled to undertake the challenge of navigating what would inevitably be a disruptive and risky transition to an ostensibly more efficient alternative.
Any number of factors could generate resistance to change. If the benefits of a new calendar were unevenly distributed across countries -- or if key powers would in any way be harmed by the change -- any hope for a comprehensive global agreement would quickly collapse. Societies have long adjusted to the inefficiencies of the Gregorian system, and it would be reasonable to expect some level of resistance to attempts to disrupt a convention woven so deeply into the fabric of everyday life -- especially if, say, the change disrupted cherished traditions or eliminated certain birthdays or holidays. Particularly in societies already suspicious of Western influence and power, attempts to implement something like the Hanke-Henry Permanent Calendar may once again spark considerable political opposition.
Even if a consensus among world leaders emerged in favor of reform, the details of the new system likely would still be vulnerable to the various interests, constraints and political whims of individual states. In the United States, for example, candy makers hoping to extend daylight trick-or-treating hours on Halloween lobbied extensively for the move of daylight saving time to November. According to legend, in the Julian calendar, February was given just 28 days in order to lengthen August and satisfy Augustus Caesar's vanity by making his namesake month as long as Julius Caesar's July. The real story likely has more to do with issues related to numerology, ancient traditions or the haphazard evolution of an earlier Roman lunar calendar that only covered from around March to December. Regardless of what exactly led to February's curious composition, its diminutive design reinforces the complicated nature of calendar adoption.
Such interference would not necessarily happen today, but it matters that it could. Policy is not made in a vacuum, and even the carefully calibrated Hanke-Henry calendar would not be immune to politics, narrow interests or caprice. Given the opportunity to bend such a reform to a state's or leader's needs -- even if only to prolong a term in office, manipulate a statistic or prevent one's birthday from always falling on a Tuesday -- certain leaders could very well take it.
Nonetheless, a fundamental, worldwide change to something as long established as the calendar is not unthinkable, primarily because it has happened several times before. In other words, calendrical change is possible -- it just tends to happen in fits and starts, lurching unevenly through history as each era refines, tinkers and adds its own contributions to make a better system. And if a global heavyweight with worldwide influence and leadership capabilities adopts the change, others may follow, even if not immediately.
Universal adoption, though preferable, is not ultimately necessary. If the United States were to deem a new calendar necessary and demonstrate its benefits to enough leaders of countries key to the international system, a critical mass could be reached (though the spread of the metric system around the world has been achieved without U.S. leadership). And the Gregorian calendar would not need to be eliminated altogether; Henry believes it could still be used by those who depend on it most, such as farmers, in the same way certain religions, industries, fields of study and states use multiple calendars for various needs.
Will the Gregorian calendar survive? Will this century end with a December lasting 31 days or Hanke-Henry's 38? The current geopolitical realities surrounding calendrical reform tells us that reform would not happen quickly or easily, but history tells us change is possible -- especially during periods of geopolitical transformation or upheaval.


Read more: The Geopolitics of the Gregorian Calendar | Stratfor
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Wednesday 1 January 2014

New Year's Resolutions

This year, 2014, I resolve to maintain my efforts at blogging longer than for a single day.

As any reader can see, I failed to make more than one entry in the whole of 2013. No excuses. To put it bluntly,  I just didn't do it. Hallelujah anyway! God is still with us.

There's a story behind that last expression, I shall tell it some other time.

Today, my comments will focus on blogging as an extremely popular means of expression and communicating opinion.

It seems that everyone blogs, even world famous Nobel laureates like Paul Krugman. My son, David, pastor of Central Westside United Church in Owen Sound ,Ontario, also blogs and posts his message on at least two or three websites as well as the local newspaper, the Owen Sound Sun-Times. Many ministers post the themes for their next Sunday'ssermons on their blogs.

I wonder how many blogs like this one are posted but not read by very many peoplpe, if any at all. Perhaps the best way to encourage an audience is to advertise it on several other comunicates sites - Facebook, for instance. (Good idea! Note to self: let your FB friends know about this.)

Why do we do this? Is it merely the stroking of one's ego? A lust for an audience ? Or could be a real desire to communicate something of worth for whoever happens to pass by?

One of the ways I would like to communicate what I have been writing during the past decade, not just for the past year, would be post the notes for the Bible study group of seniors I lead at Glen Abbey United Church next door to our seniors residence. We meet on Tuesday mornings from October to April. In recent months I have been sending out introductory notes and questions for discussion on the Fridays before each session. The group members seem to appreciate advance notice or an opportunity to follow our process if they happen to miss a session.

So begins the keeping of my first resolution of 2014.

Hallelujah anyway! God is still with us.